Sen. Mike Lee recently challenged the widespread ranking of Franklin D. Roosevelt as the “greatest” U.S. president. For years, I have shared this skepticism. FDR’s New Deal fundamentally expanded federal power, confiscated Americans’ gold, and devalued the dollar — actions that undermined federalism, separation of powers, and economic liberty. These policies stand in stark contrast to the principles of limited government and citizen service that defined the American founding.

On April 5, 1933, Roosevelt issued Executive Order 6102, forbidding the hoarding of gold coin, bullion, and certificates. Americans were forced to surrender their gold to the Federal Reserve at $20.67 per ounce. Months later, the Gold Reserve Act raised the official price to $35 per ounce, effectively devaluing the dollar by about 41% and transferring wealth from citizens to the federal government. This was not mere crisis management; it was a profound centralization of monetary control that eroded private property rights and individual economic independence.

Combined with the explosion of New Deal agencies and programs, these policies shifted power from states and individuals to Washington. The Founders designed a republic of enumerated powers precisely to prevent such concentration. They feared that unchecked national authority would erode the self-governing spirit Tocqueville later praised in Democracy in America

The Founders viewed public office as a temporary duty, not a career. They championed “rotation in office” — the idea that citizens should serve for limited periods and then return to private life. Thomas Jefferson was especially vocal, warning that abandoning rotation would “end in abuse,” particularly for the presidency: “I dislike, and greatly dislike, the abandonment in every instance of the necessity of rotation in office and most particularly in the case of the President.” He believed “where annual election ends, tyranny begins.”

Jefferson understood human nature. “When once a man has cast a longing eye on [offices], a rottenness begins in his conduct.” Prolonged power corrupts. Representatives must periodically feel the weight of the laws they pass by returning to private station. George Washington embodied this ideal, voluntarily stepping down after two terms and setting a precedent of selfless service that held until FDR’s four terms shattered it. Washington’s Farewell Address framed his service as a “uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty.” Public life was a burden to be borne temporarily, not a profession.

James Madison and others echoed these concerns in the Federalist Papers and their correspondence. They designed frequent elections and checks and balances to keep officials accountable and prevent the rise of a permanent political class. Careerism, they feared, would create a ruling elite detached from the people — the very aristocracy they had rebelled against.

FDR’s long tenure and transformative policies realized those warnings. By breaking the two-term tradition and building a vast administrative state, he helped normalize the idea of government as an ever-expanding solution rather than a limited guardian of liberty. The result? Entrenched bureaucracy, reduced state sovereignty, and a citizenry increasingly dependent on Washington — trends Alexis de Tocqueville warned could lead to a soft despotism of centralized administration.

Tocqueville observed that American democracy thrived on decentralized power, local civic engagement, and moral virtue. He feared that equality taken to excess, combined with centralization, would make individuals “seem of less and society of greater importance,” paving the way for an inquisitorial state that regulates ever-smaller aspects of life. The Tocqueville Liberty Institute exists to counter this drift by educating Americans on our economic journey, civic responsibilities, and founding principles. Through workshops, talks, and outreach, we seek to reignite commitment to limited government, economic liberty, and active citizenship.

Today, career politicians dominate Washington. Incumbency rates often exceed 90%, creating a professional political class far removed from the “citizen legislators” the Founders envisioned. This system breeds exactly the “rottenness” Jefferson dreaded. Term limits, stronger adherence to enumerated powers, and a cultural return to viewing service as duty — not lifelong vocation — are essential remedies.

Ranking FDR as the greatest president sanitizes a dangerous precedent. True greatness lies in preserving the constitutional order, not expanding it beyond recognition. As we confront modern challenges of debt, regulation, and eroded liberties, the path forward is clear: reclaim the Founders’ republic of rotation, restraint, and responsibility.

The Tocqueville Liberty Institute calls on all Americans to engage — read the founding documents, study economic history, participate locally, and demand accountability from leaders. Only by reviving these principles can we prevent the soft despotism Tocqueville foresaw and restore a government that serves the people rather than rules them.